Saturday, October 12, 2013

No Good Options for Obama

No Good Options for Obama

 
Not long ago, the conventional wisdom in official Washington held that the so-called sequester spending cuts would be a disaster for the Republican Party. They were expected to rise up in vehement protest once the "cuts" went into effect.

Instead, nobody outside of Washington noticed.

Today, the conventional wisdom suggests that the so-called government shutdown is a big time loser for the GOP. But, once again, few Americans other than federal workers have really noticed any difference.

That's a big problem for the president. Nothing can be more frightening to liberal politicians than proving how little impact many federal programs have on the day-to-day lives of individual Americans. If nobody notices when they're missing, it's hard to argue against trimming the size of government.

So, the president is stuck with an impossible dilemma. If he tries to make the shutdown as painless as possible for the public, he loses all political leverage. If he tries to make people feel his pain, he looks like a bully. If he makes a deal with Republicans, his political base will be demoralized heading into the midterm election. If he doesn't, and the standoff continues, calls for more permanent spending cuts will grow.

The choices so far have been relatively easy. While there have been bad headlines about the National Park Service blocking veterans from war memorials and other tourist attractions, those stories haven't become a dominant narrative mainly because of their small scale.

So the president and his administration are threatening to bring out the big guns. There have been hints that Social Security benefits might not be paid in full.

 
That would certainly get the public's attention. But is the president
really ready to tell people that there is no trust fund and that the government's been lying about it for seven decades?

Like his predecessor, George W. Bush, Obama's second-term problems can be traced directly to decisions made early in his first
term.

Politically, his root problem came when he passed a bloated stimulus package in early 2009 with not a single Republican vote in the House. That shutout stunned official Washington and the display of backbone surprised voters. After showing the Republicans in

Congress were willing to make a stand, the GOP was on track for an historic victory in the 2010 midterm elections.

Substantively, though, it was the first-term decision to ram through a partisan health care law that is causing the president the most pain today. That leaves the president with another impossible choice. He could delay the program a year to get past the 2014 elections.

But that, too, would run the risk of demoralizing his base. Additionally, it might become the first of many delays that would effectively end any hope of ultimately implementing the law.

No matter how you look at it, the president's in a tough spot. Given the bumbling tactical mistakes of Congressional Republicans, how did the president end up in this situation?

The central reason is that the American people aren't interested in buying what he wants to sell. In the iPad era, people's lives are decentralizing and services are becoming more customized. Community solutions are being found closer to home. Giving more power to a-one-size-fits-all federal government is out of synch with that reality.

To find out more about Scott Rasmussen, and read features by other Creators writers and cartoonists, visit www.creators.com.
COPYRIGHT 2013 SCOTT RASMUSSEN

Six Reasons Everyone Should Do Squats

Six Reasons Everyone Should Do Squats
7/20/2012 1:13:11 PM
Squats
 
The squat is one of the best exercises for athletes and the general population. Everyone should be doing some form of squats because they work the whole body, and studies show squatting to increase lower body strength can produce the following benefits:
•    Better functional mobility and faster walking speed
•    Greater bone mineral density and less chance of breaking a bone
•    Stronger core musculature to prevent lower back pain and injury
•    Faster running speed at short and long distances
•    Greater vertical jump height
•    Better sports performance on the court or field

The squat is such a great exercise that I’d like to wax lyrical about them but since you probably don’t come to my site to read poetry, I’ll use this space to give you six excellent reasons you should do squats.

1)    Do Squats to Run Faster
Running speed is influenced by being able to apply more force into the ground, and the fastest way to improve this is to increase lower body strength. Not only will heavy load front and back squats train the quads, glutes, hamstrings, and calves to produce more ground reaction force, but they will increase strength in the entire core musculature. This will allow athletes to integrate their increased speed into sports-specific movements on the field or court.

Recent studies prove that squats increase speed. For example, a study performed on elite rugby players showed that an increase in maximal squat strength during an 8-week pre-season training program made the players significantly faster at short sprints. The players performed two microcycles that included a 4-week maximal lower body strength program followed by a power program of the same length. For the strength program, players did back squats, clean pulls, deadlifts, and Nordic curls, all at 85 to 90 percent of the 1RM. For the power program they did hang cleans, squat jumps, back squats, and Nordic curls, all at 85 percent of the 1RM.

Results showed that the players increased their maximal squat by 30 kg, improving from 170 to 200 kg. These impressive strength gains translated to improvements in sprint speed of 6 to 7.6 percent over 5, 10, and 20 meters. The players were able to apply more ground reaction force during the initial acceleration phase of sprinting.

Take away: Include heavy front and back squats in a lower body training program to increase speed for short sprint sports such as basketball, soccer, rugby, field hockey, football, and lacrosse. Sprinters and longer distance runners will benefit as well—highly trained runners will increase speed not by moving their arms and legs faster, but by applying more force into the ground with every step.

2)    Do Squats for Better Mobility and Less Pain
The general population will benefit from better mobility and less chance of lower back or knee pain by doing squats. A recent study performed on elderly people with osteoarthritis showed that squat training resulted in less self-reported pain in the knees, better balance, and faster walking speed. Participants also had less evidence of chronic inflammation that is associated with arthritis.

Take away: A stronger lower body and core musculature will allow all populations to move better and experience less pain or chance of injury. Squats are one solution for better overall health!
 
3)    Do Deep Squats to Increase Vertical Jump
Full-range of motion squats in which you go all the way down past parallel so that the hamstring covers the upper calf also increase vertical jumping ability and will enhance athletic performance.

A German study shows that a 10-week full squat program increased vertical jump more than quarter squats performed with a heavier load. Researchers compared deep back squats, deep front squats, and quarter-range back squats on vertical and squat jump height. The quarter-squat group did not increase vertical jump height at all and only increased squat jump height by 2.6 percent.

The group that performed deep back squat training increased squat jump height by 5.8 percent, and the deep front squat group improved by 7.2 percent. Vertical jump gains for the deep front and back squat groups were around 8 percent.

This study is important because it refutes a common argument in strength and conditioning that partial-range training will provide superior angle-specific strength and power gains for athletes who normally perform movements through a partial-range of motion when competing. Rather than being superior, strict partial-range training is ineffective. Full-range motions guarantee performance enhancing effects for athletes, whether they are volleyball players, long jumpers, ski jumpers, or play a court or field sport.

Take away: If you want to perform better, get stronger, jump higher, and have a better body composition, make a commitment to do full-range deep squats. This doesn’t mean partial-range training isn’t appropriate at times—it can be used to challenge the strength curve for advanced athletes, but it can’t be the sole training stimulus if you want to jump higher or run faster.

4)    Do Front Squats to Train for Sports
The front squat is one of your best tools for achieving new levels of athleticism, flexibility, and dynamic mobility. It trains you to produce high levels of force that translates to sports such as bobsledding, alpine skiing, speed skating, and rugby. Mastery of the front squat also helps you train vertical acceleration for Olympic lifts and sports that require jumping like basketball and volleyball.

A couple of new studies show how to get the best performance results from the front squat. First, the front squat requires you to have superior flexibility in the hip, ankle, shoulder, and wrist. If you don’t have the flexibility to perform the front squat, you will never reach your lower body strength potential.
 
Second, the front squat keeps you technically honest because if you cheat by shooting the hips back during the upward motion, you may drop the bar. The front squat also places less compressive force on the knee than the back squat, while still providing a comparable training stimulus to the muscles.
 
Third, electromyographic readings show that the front squat works the quadriceps, rectus abdominis, and erector spinae better than the back squat. This makes it an excellent exercise for the quads and trunk that applies to sprint speed and jumping ability for athletes because it allows you to train the body to transfer force through the kinetic chain, as seen in the German study mentioned in #3.

Take away: Get faster and jump higher with proper front squat form. Including front squats in your program provides an incentive for training flexibility, and for novice trainees, it can feel more comfortable than having a heavy bar on the back. It also activates the trunk musculature when heavy loads are used.

5)    Do Squats For Better, Stronger Abs
Squats are a great exercise for your abdominal muscles and greater core strength means better sports performance. A recent study of Division 1 college football players showed that maximal lower body strength and power as measured by the 1RM back squat was associated most directly with strength in the core muscles (rectus abdominis, pelvic and hip girdle, obliques, and paraspinals).

Researchers in this study point to the uselessness of the plank exercise to train the core for athletes and the general population. The plank (and side plank) is performed in a non-functional static position that is rarely replicated in sports or in daily life, making it useless as a primary component of training.

Take away: Do squats for stronger, better looking abs that will allow you to perform better. For additional ab training, deadlifts are essential, and chin-ups are ideal for abdominal endurance because you must stabilize the body throughout the motion if you do them properly. Push-ups provide adequate static horizontal abdominal training, and glute-ham raises can help strengthen the posterior chain if you have imbalances in the lower back, or hamstrings.

6)    Start Doing Squats at a Young Age For Better Health and Performance—Squats are Safe for Everyone!
Squats are an excellent exercise for ALL ages and research shows that you should begin doing them at a young age for better performance and injury prevention. Squats won’t hurt your knees or your back if performed correctly. And starting early will allow youth to engage in heavy training sooner because they will accumulate “training years” at a younger age.
 
A 2-year study looked at the effect of strength training in a youth population. The study included elite young soccer players and weightlifters who ranged in age from 11 to 19. Strength gains in the squat were analyzed based on two-year age groups: Group A was under 19 years old, group B was under 17, group C was under 15, and group D was 11 to 13 years old.

The soccer players followed a typical periodized training program that included squats and other multi-joint free weight exercises for the whole body. Group D, the youngest group, performed technique-oriented training that included all the same exercises as the older trainees but with a strict focus on form.
 
Results showed that strength values of the 1RM for the parallel front and back squat relative to body weight were as follows (front squat is listed first):
Group A: 1.5, 1.7
Group B: 1.4, 1.6
Group C: 1.2, 1.4
Group D: 0.7, 0.9
 
Final 1RMs for the strength trainees group ranged from 40 to 50 percent higher than a control group of soccer players in the back squat, indicating the impressive benefit of training.
 
That young athletes are highly trainable is no surprise, but the “trainability of youth” continues to suffer from strange myths and misconceptions that discourage parents and sports coaches from having their young athletes strength train. Despite abundant research that far fewer injuries happen in the weight room than on the playing field, and that strength training—and especially squatting—for youth improves bone mineral density and growth rather than stunting it, many young athletes are missing out on reaching their potential because they don’t lift weights.
 
Take away: Everyone should squat and researchers suggest young athletes can begin training at 7 to 8 years of age so that in the best-case scenario they may have up to more than 10 years of lifting experience by the time they are 19 years old. Naturally, training needs to be fun, but with strict attention to technique.
 

Friday, October 11, 2013

Blame the Right - Geo Will

When liberals became scolds

By George Will, Published: October 9

“Ex-Marine Asks Soviet Citizenship”
— Washington Post headline,
Nov. 1, 1959
(concerning Lee Harvey Oswald)
 
“He didn’t even have the satisfaction of being killed for civil rights. It’s — it had to be some silly little Communist.”
— Jacqueline Kennedy,
Nov. 22, 1963

She thought it robbed his death of any meaning. But a meaning would be quickly manufactured to serve a new politics. First, however, an inconvenient fact — Oswald — had to be expunged from the story. So, just 24 months after the assassination, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., the Kennedys’ kept historian, published a thousand-page history of the thousand-day presidency without mentioning the assassin.

The transformation of a murder by a marginal man into a killing by a sick culture began instantly — before Kennedy was buried. The afternoon of the assassination, Chief Justice Earl Warren ascribed Kennedy’s “martyrdom” to “the hatred and bitterness that has been injected into the life of our nation by bigots.” The next day, James Reston, the New York Times luminary, wrote in a front-page story that Kennedy was a victim of a “streak of violence in the American character,” noting especially “the violence of the extremists on the right.”

Never mind that adjacent to Reston’s article was a Times report on Oswald’s Communist convictions and associations. A Soviet spokesman, too, assigned “moral responsibility” for Kennedy’s death to “Barry Goldwater and other extremists on the right.”

Three days after the assassination, a Times editorial, “Spiral of Hate,” identified Kennedy’s killer as a “spirit”: The Times deplored “the shame all America must bear for the spirit of madness and hate that struck down” Kennedy. The editorialists were, presumably, immune to this spirit. The new liberalism-as-paternalism would be about correcting other people’s defects.

Hitherto a doctrine of American celebration and optimism, liberalism would now become a scowling indictment: Kennedy was killed by America’s social climate, whose sickness required “punitive liberalism.” That phrase is from James Piereson of the Manhattan Institute, whose 2007 book “Camelot and the Cultural Revolution: How the Assassination of John F. Kennedy Shattered American Liberalism” is a profound meditation on the reverberations of the rifle shots in Dealey Plaza.

The bullets of Nov. 22, 1963, altered the nation’s trajectory less by killing a president than by giving birth to a destructive narrative about America. Fittingly, the narrative was most injurious to the narrators. Their recasting of the tragedy in order to validate their curdled conception of the nation marked a ruinous turn for liberalism, beginning its decline from political dominance.

Punitive liberalism preached the necessity of national repentance for a history of crimes and misdeeds that had produced a present so poisonous that it murdered a president. To be a liberal would mean being a scold. Liberalism would become the doctrine of grievance groups owed redress for cumulative inherited injuries inflicted by the nation’s tawdry history, toxic present and ominous future.
Kennedy’s posthumous reputation — Americans often place him, absurdly, atop the presidential rankings — reflects regrets about might-have-beens. To reread Robert Frost’s banal poem written for Kennedy’s inauguration (“A golden age of poetry and power of which this noonday’s the beginning hour”) is to wince at its clunky attempt to conjure an Augustan age from the melding of politics and celebrity that the Kennedys used to pioneer the presidency-as-entertainment.

Under Kennedy, liberalism began to become more stylistic than programmatic. After him — especially after his successor, Lyndon Johnson, a child of the New Deal, drove to enactment the Civil Rights Act , Medicare and Medicaid — liberalism became less concerned with material well-being than with lifestyle and cultural issues such as feminism, abortion and sexual freedom.

The bullets fired on Nov. 22, 1963, could shatter the social consensus that characterized the 1950s only because powerful new forces of an adversarial culture were about to erupt through society’s crust. Foremost among these forces was the college-bound population bulge — baby boomers with their sense of entitlement and moral superiority, vanities encouraged by an intelligentsia bored by peace and prosperity and hungry for heroic politics.

Liberalism’s disarray during the late 1960s, combined with Americans’ recoil from liberal hectoring, catalyzed the revival of conservatism in the 1970s. As Piereson writes, the retreat of liberalism from a doctrine of American affirmation left a void that would be filled by Ronald Reagan 17 years after the assassination.

The moral of liberalism’s explanation of Kennedy’s murder is that there is a human instinct to reject the fact that large events can have small, squalid causes; there is an intellectual itch to discern large hidden meanings in events. And political opportunism is perennial.

 
Read more from George F. Will’s archive or follow him on Facebook.

Read more about this issue: E.J. Dionne: Kennedy’s inaugural address presents a challenge still Robert J. Samuelson: John Kennedy’s mistake led to the sequester mess George F. Will: John Kennedy’s Berlin blunder Robert Kagan: In Obama’s speech, echoes of John Kennedy

Blame the Right - Geo Will

Tuesday, October 8, 2013

King Barack

Obama Seems To Think Presidency Gives Him Absolute Power


By BETSY MCCAUGHEY

Obama's Dangerous Claim to Executive Power
Negotiating with Republicans has never been in Obama's playbook.
Three days after his inauguration in 2009, President Barack Obama silenced Republican lawmakers who voiced concerned about the enormity of spending in his stimulus bill by uttering two brash words, "I won."
That was his governing philosophy, as he rammed through the American Reinvestment and Recovery Act.
But in the fall of 2010, Republicans swept into control of the House of Representatives, and since then, Obama's agenda has been stalled.
With little prospect of gaining control of the House in 2014, Obama is resorting to discrediting the Constitution's limits on presidential power rather than bargain with congressional Republicans.
Here are the president's own words, explaining why he refuses to negotiate to end the government shutdown and resolve the fast approaching debt ceiling problem.
His views on presidential power ought to alarm all Americans.
"I will not pay ransom," said Obama, for a stopgap-spending bill to open the government.
Historically, presidents have had to make concessions to Congress to secure funding. President Reagan endured eight shutdowns. Each time he negotiated with the Democratic speaker of the house, Tip O'Neill, conceding on issues from mid-range missile defense to support for Nicaraguan contras to quickly end the shutdown.
Fast-forward to the current showdown. The House Republicans' fourth (and latest) offer asks for only two changes in ObamaCare: First, eliminate the subsidy for members of Congress, which has outraged the public.
Second, delay for a year making insurance mandatory for individuals. Let anyone enroll in ObamaCare who wants to. But don't penalize individuals for being uninsured in 2014 when the president has already postponed the penalty on big companies for not insuring workers.
"The Affordable Care Act is a law that passed the House. It passed the Senate; the Supreme Court ruled it constitutional. ... and it is settled," said Obama.
Not so. The health program the president is imposing on us is not the Affordable Care Act. The president has dismembered and mangled it. Gone is the employer mandate, the cap on out of pocket expenses, income verification and over half the deadlines specified in the law. The president delayed or did away with these features without asking Congress. Illegally.
Then, he added 1,472 waivers and connived a subsidy for members of Congress that no one else in American earning $174,000 a year could get.
The Supreme Court has ruled twice that presidents cannot delay, amend and repeal parts of laws.
"It has not been done in the past, and we're not going to start doing it now," said Obama, explaining why he will not negotiate with House Republicans over raising the debt ceiling.
The truth is presidents have often had to make concessions to get the debt ceiling raised. In 1995, Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich tried to extract major spending reforms from President Bill Clinton.
The two sides sparred for more than a week past the "deadline" for a hike. That is what the framers intended.
"That's not how our constitutional system is designed," the president said disingenuously. The designer himself, James Madison, explained in Federalist 58 that the president must come to Congress as a supplicant to borrow, tax or spend. That dependence on Congress is "the most effectual tool to remedy" any grievance the people could have against their president.
That brings us to the nefarious proposal taking shape on Capitol Hill. Senate Democrats reportedly will offer a bill shifting to the president the discretion to raise the debt ceiling any time through 2014, except if two-thirds of each house of Congress vote to disapprove. This device, first tried in the Budget Control Act of 2011, weasels around the U. S. Constitution's system of checks and balances and substantially enlarges executive power.
Who is Obama, the 44th president, to demand more borrowing latitude than his 43 predecessors?
As Madison warned in Federalist 62, "an elective despot is not what we fought for."

Paul Ryan & Shutdown

Paul Ryan: Here's How We Can End This Stalemate

Both Reagan and Clinton negotiated debt-ceiling deals with their opponents. We're ready to negotiate.

The president is giving Congress the silent treatment. He's refusing to talk, even though the federal government is about to hit the debt ceiling. That's a shame—because this doesn't have to be another crisis. It could be a breakthrough. We have an opportunity here to pay down the national debt and jump-start the economy, if we start talking, and talking specifics, now. To break the deadlock, both sides should agree to common-sense reforms of the country's entitlement programs and tax code.
 
First, let's clear something up. The president says he "will not negotiate" on the debt ceiling. He claims that such negotiations would be unprecedented. But many presidents have negotiated on the debt ceiling—including him. In 1985, Ronald Reagan signed a debt-ceiling deal with congressional Democrats that set deficit caps. In 1997, Bill Clinton hammered out an agreement with congressional Republicans to raise the debt ceiling, reform Medicare and cut capital-gains taxes. Two years ago, Mr. Obama signed the Budget
Control Act, which swapped spending cuts for a debt-ceiling hike.

So the president has negotiated before, and he can do so now. In 2011, Oregon's Democratic Sen. Ron Wyden and I offered ideas to reform Medicare. We had different perspectives, but we also had mutual trust. Neither of us had to betray his principles; all we had to do was put prudence ahead of pride.

If Mr. Obama decides to talk, he'll find that we actually agree on some things. For example, most of us agree that gradual, structural reforms are better than sudden, arbitrary cuts. For my Democratic colleagues, the discretionary spending levels in the Budget Control Act are a major concern. And the truth is, there's a better way to cut spending. We could provide relief from the discretionary spending levels in the Budget Control Act in exchange for structural reforms to entitlement programs.

These reforms are vital. Over the next 10 years, the Congressional Budget Office predicts discretionary spending—that is, everything except entitlement programs and debt payments—will grow by $202 billion, or roughly 17%. Meanwhile, mandatory spending—which mostly consists of funding for Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security—will grow by $1.6 trillion, or roughly 79%. The 2011 Budget Control Act largely ignored entitlement spending. But that is the nation's biggest challenge.

The two political parties have worked together on entitlements before. In 1982, Social Security's trustees warned Congress that the program would go bankrupt within a year. If it had, seniors would have seen an immediate cut in their benefits. Instead, Congress passed a package of reforms—the most important of which was an increase in the retirement age. Because Congress phased in this reform over time, there were no budget savings in the first five years. But through 2012, the savings were $100 billion. In the next 75 years, Social Security's actuaries expect that these reforms will save $4.6 trillion.

Just as a good investment gets higher returns through compound interest, structural reforms produce greater savings over time. Most important, they make the programs more secure. They protect them for current seniors and preserve them for the next generation. That's what the president and Congress should talk about.

Here are just a few ideas to get the conversation started. We could ask the better off to pay higher premiums for Medicare. We could reform Medigap plans to encourage efficiency and reduce costs. And we could ask federal employees to contribute more to their own retirement.

The president has embraced these ideas in budget proposals he has submitted to Congress. And in earlier talks with congressional
 Republicans, he has discussed combining Medicare's Part A and Part B, so the program will be less confusing for seniors. These ideas have the support of nonpartisan groups like the Bipartisan Policy Center and the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, and they would strengthen these critical programs. And all of them would help pay down the debt.

We should also enact pro-growth reforms that put people back to work—like opening up America's vast energy reserves to development. There is even some agreement on taxes across the aisle.

Rep. Dave Camp (R., Mich.) and Sen. Max Baucus (D., Mont.) have been working for more than a year now on a bipartisan plan to reform the tax code. They agree on the fundamental principles: Broaden the base, lower the rates and simplify the code. The president himself has argued for just such an approach to corporate taxes. So we should discuss how Congress can take up the Camp–Baucus plan when it's ready.

Reforms to entitlement programs and the tax code will spur economic growth—another goal that both parties share. The CBO says stable or declining levels of federal debt would help the economy. In addition, "federal interest payments would be smaller, policy makers would have greater leeway . . . to respond to any economic downturns . . . and the risk of a sudden fiscal crisis would be much smaller."

This isn't a grand bargain. For that, we need a complete rethinking of government's approach to helping the most vulnerable, and a complete rethinking of government's approach to health care. But right now, we need to find common ground. We need to open the federal government. We need to pay our bills today—and make sure we can pay our bills tomorrow. So let's negotiate an agreement to make modest reforms to entitlement programs and the tax code.

This is our moment to get a down payment on the debt and boost the economy. But we have to act now.

The Federal Reserve won't keep interest rates low forever. The demographic crunch will only get worse. So once interest rates rise, borrowing costs will spike. If we miss this moment, the debt will spiral out of control.

That's why I want a budget agreement—because if we don't make the tough decisions now, we'll face only tougher decisions later. We can work together. We can do some good. All it takes is leadership—and for the president to come to the table.
 
Mr. Ryan, a Republican, represents Wisconsin's first congressional district and is chairman of the House Budget Committee.

Monday, October 7, 2013

Obama as Chaos

Amid all the charges and countercharges in Washington over the government shutdown, there is at least one common theme: Barack Obama’s various charges always lead to a dead end. They are chaos, and chaos is hard to understand, much less refute.

By that I mean when the president takes up a line of argument against his opponents, it cannot really be taken seriously — not just because it is usually not factual, but also because it always contradicts positions that Obama himself has taken earlier or things he has previously asserted. Whom to believe — Obama 1.0, Obama 2.0, or Obama 3.0?

When the president derides the idea of shutting down the government over the debt ceiling, we almost automatically assume that he himself tried to do just that when as a senator he voted against the Bush administration request in 2006, when the debt was about $6 trillion less than it is now.

When the president blasts the Republicans for trying to subvert the “settled law” of Obamacare, we trust that Obama himself had earlier done precisely that when he unilaterally subverted his own legislation — by quite illegally discarding the employer mandate provision of Obamacare. At least the Republicans tried to revise elements of Obamacare through existing legislative protocols; the president preferred executive fiat to nullify a settled law.

When the president deplores the lack of bipartisanship and the lockstep Republican effort to defund Obamacare, we remember that the president steamrolled the legislation through the Congress without a single Republican vote.

When the president laments the loss of civility and reminds the public that he uses “calm” rhetoric during the impasse, we know he has accused his opponents of being on an “ideological crusade” and of being hostage takers and blackmailers who have “a gun held to the head of the American people,” while his top media adviser Dan Pfeiffer has said that they had “a bomb strapped to their chest.”

When the president insists that the Republican effort to hold up the budget is unprecedented, we automatically deduce that, in fact, the action has many precedents, and on frequent prior occasions was a favored ploy of Democrats to gain leverage over Republican administrations.

In short, whenever the president prefaces a sweeping statement with one of his many emphatics — “make no mistake about it,” “I’m not making this up,” “in point of fact,” “let me be perfectly clear” — we know that the reverse is always true. For Obama, how something is said matters far more than what is said.
                                 Though, if anything, his oratorical skills are even more overrated than his management skills.

Tuesday, October 1, 2013

Ineptness with Islamists - VDH


Overseas Contingency Operations and Such

by Victor Davis Hanson // PJ Media 

On the occasion of the outreach from Iran, and the embarrassment in Syria, it is wise to remember why and how our leaders became so inept at dealing with Islamists.

The Tsarnaev brothers killed and maimed in service to their version of Islam. So did Major Hassan, screaming Allahu Akbaras he shot his fellow soldiers at Fort Hood. The Middle East is undergoing the greatest religious cleansing of Christians of the modern age. This month, eighty Christians were blown up in a church in Peshawar, Pakistan — charged, tried, and executed in a nanno-second by Muslim suicide bombers.  At about the very same time, gunmen of the Islamist terrorist group Al Shabaab from Somalia, murdered nearly 70 shoppers — after torturing and mutilating many of their victims — in a Nairobi shopping mall during a children’s event.

None of these massacres had anything to do with the West Bank, Americans in Iraq, maltreatment of Muslims in the U.S., unkind immigration policies, undue attention shown Muslim travelers, or much of anything other than the usual grievances such as fighting back against terrorists.

Note that the West, Europe and the U.S., are largely silent on the religious dimensions of this now almost daily violence. Apparently the EU and America believe that their own domestic security protocols have made it difficult for Islamists like the Tsarnaevs or Hassan, or bombers from Peshawar to harvest civilians with regularity in the West — or at least that they can be kept out of Chevy Chase, the Upper West Side, Martha’s Vineyard and Santa Monica.

Here follow some random observations from Obama administration officials about Islam and its role in energizing terrorists. John Brennan, the present CIA chief and at one time the president’s chief counter-terrorism advisor, once advised us, “Nor do we describe our enemy as ‘jihadists’ or ‘Islamists’ because jihad is a holy struggle, a legitimate tenet of Islam, meaning to purify oneself or one’s community.” If Major Hasan or the Tsarnaevs do not believe in jihad or in an Islamist worldview, what, then, drove them to murder?

Losing a boxing match, or perhaps a slow-moving pathway to lieutenant-colonel?

Here was the former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, “The term Muslim Brotherhood is an umbrella term for a variety of movements. In the case of Egypt, a very heterogeneous group, largely secular.” Is “largely secular” different from “secular?” If Clapper is right, why would they not their change their name to the “Secular Brotherhood?”

“When I became the NASA administrator,” NASA Director Charles Bolden told Al Jazeera in 2010, President Obama “charged me with three things.” Bolden added that “Perhaps foremost, he wanted me to find a way to reach out to the Muslim world and engage much more with dominantly Muslim nations to help them feel good about their historic contribution to science, math, and engineering.”

Apparently, if they can “feel good,” they won’t feel bad about us, at least to the point of blowing us up?

Here was Army Chief of Staff Gen. George Casey on the aftermath of the Fort Hood shootings, “Our diversity, not only in our Army, but in our country, is a strength. And as horrific as this tragedy was, if our diversity becomes a casualty, I think that’s worse.” What a tragedy that would be — no more incompetent, but deadly Major Hasans fast-tracked to Major.

Here was Director of Homeland Security, Janet Napolitano, “In my speech, although I did not use the word “terrorism, I referred to ‘man-caused’ disasters. That is perhaps only a nuance, but it demonstrates that we want to move away from the politics of fear toward a policy of being prepared for all risks that can occur.” Actually, Ms. Napolitano, your invention is not a “nuance” but an embarrassment.

Worrying about the Tsarnaevs or Major Hasan or the bombers in Peshawar is not “the politics of fear.”

Here was a memo from the Office of the Management and the Budget to the Pentagon, “This administration prefers to avoid using the term ‘Long War’ or ‘Global War on Terror’ [GWOT.] Please use ‘Overseas Contingency Operation.’” Do overseas contingency operations respond to man-caused disasters or to workplace violence?

Here was President Barack Obama on various occasions, “America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles of justice and progress, tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.” And, “Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism – it is an important part of promoting peace.”  Where do Islam and the West actually compete — Cal Tech versus what Islamic university? iPhones versus what? Brain surgery at Cairo University compared to the Stanford neurology department?

The point is not that these therapeutic musings are necessarily always completely false, but rather why are they voiced at all, given their banality and half-truths.

There are many more examples of such politically-correct naiveté. For some reason, Obama’s rare platitudinous quotes about Christianity are not nearly so complimentary. He speaks more harshly about his conservative critics than he does the Muslim Brotherhood or the Iranian theocracy. His interview with al Arabiya and various UN addresses explain why so many of his obsequious subordinates want to outdo their president in reconfiguring contemporary Islam. In his Cairo speech, Obama fabricated all sorts of stories about the glorious tolerance and brilliance of Islam, with invited Muslim Brotherhood attendees nodding in agreement.

What drives such nonsense? I call it nonsense, since U.S. popularity is no higher in the Middle East than under George Bush. Violence is greater. Christian cleansing is far more prevalent. Iran is closer to the bomb. Bashar Assad never before had so embarrassed a U.S. president. Israel is never more isolated. The Arab Spring is a disaster. Coups, revolutions, mass killings, chaos, and upheaval are the veneer of greater poverty and misery on the Arab Street. There is no such thing anymore as Middle East tourism. U.S. prestige is at all time low. The idea that Assad might surrender his WMD in the manner that a terrified Kaddafi did is absurd. Putin, not an American president, exercises the most influence in the Middle East.

a) Obama and his subordinates see most of the tension between the Middle East and United State not as existential, but of recent origin and attributable mostly to one-dimensional American leadership that under Bush heretofore had lacked his own sophistication on matters Islamic. To paraphrase the al Arabiya interview, Obama’s own name, his racial heritage, his father’s Muslim lineage, and his own prior residence in Muslim Indonesia would all ensure that he could communicate and coax Muslims on our collective behalf, at least in a way that evangelical Christians like George W. Bush could hardly imagine.
In other words, most of the past violence was preventable had we listened to the advice listed above, and adjusted our ideas about jihad, the Muslim Brotherhood, and terrorism — or used NASA for its proper larger purpose.  I suppose the Iranians believe likewise in the power of an iconic president, and so they are now trying to send us a smiling imam, who is said to know the West and speak English, and writes us a letter with every T-ball platitude imaginable. Presto, we will change our opinion of the Iranians because of Rouhani in the way they must like us because of Barack Hussein Obama?

b) Obama also looks to particular pretexts for Muslim outrage and in that sense considers them somewhat legitimate. “Terrorism” can be a hurtful word, and to such an extent that it might force otherwise moderate Muslims to resort to it. Would-be terrorists might listen to the Cairo speech or the NASA director and suddenly drop their violent tendencies, snap out of their jihadist personal journeys, and appreciate commonalities with the West and Christians heretofore forgotten or unknown. Just as Barack Obama once wowed his Harvard Law Dean, so too imams and ayatollahs will react to his mellifluous outreach, in the way we too are charmed by the smoother, smiling president Rouhani.
Self-reflection to the point of self-condemnation is a common trait among American liberal leadership. If the Israelis would just vacate Sinai, peace might follow. If they withdrew from Lebanon, moderates might respond. If they gave back Gaza, a settlement would be insured. If we could just solve the “Palestinian Question,” then Arabs would like us, and violence from Cairo to Damascus would subside. Few Americans grasp that there will be no peace with Israel unless either Israel is destroyed or its Arab neighbors accept consensual government and simply no longer tolerate tribalism, religious fundamentalism, gender apartheid, or anti-Semitism — a hope that may well be a century away.
The failure of Islamic culture to cope with the modern world also ensures that it will be an elixir in the Middle East for perceived global unfairness. For hundreds of millions who are quite reluctant to change their views about women, other religions, tribal affinities, free expression, and consensual government, it is far easier to blame the logical consequences of their material backwardness on others — most likely Jews, Westerners, and less observant Muslims. The mystery is not that they believe such things, but that we do not believe that they do. When Dr. Zawahiri cites “climate change” as one of the sparks that set him off, I think we have entered the realm of lunacy.

c) Obama believes that something the Bush administration concretely did might have provoked Muslims and explains the present tensions. If a transgression sparked violence, then a non-transgression will prevent it. If we could only close Guantanamo, get out of Iraq, promise to withdraw from Afghanistan, lead meekly from behind in Libya, or stop renditions, then again peace would follow and terrorism would wane. Obama has little concept that terrorists strike when they feel they can, but are more likely not to when they feel they can’t — or that they can hate us for reasons that transcend what Americans do on any given day.  While their hatred, fed by envy, feelings of inadequacy, and appeasement, cannot be moderated by euphemism, the expression of it certainly can be by hard pressure on their sponsors — the very tactic that Obama has derided, as he had sought normalization with Iran, Syria, the Muslim Brotherhood, and Hamas.

d) In the multicultural world of our elites, religious expression and the landscape in which it occurs, like everything else, is a sort of buffet. People take what they want, each according to his taste, no one selection any better or worse than any other. Islam is no different from Buddhism or Christianity, which have had its own zealots and mass-murderers. Islamists grasp the ramifications of this relativism far better than we do, and expect latitude from the West that they would never grant to non-Westerners. Apparently killing a cartoonist can shut down a Western society’s free expression quite quickly. And blowing up a church in an Islamic country is not at odds with demanding subsidies to build a mosque in Europe.

These multicultural doctrines are not subject to empirical data. An epidemic of Muslim terrorism can be ignored when we find isolated examples of Christian intolerance. We can call such relativism moral equivalence and cultural relativism, with a strong dose of utopian pacifism. But the end result is that Western elites have no concept that their culture, religious heritage, or contemporary values have made them in any way exceptional. Apple is in Silicon Valley and not Islamabad: no doubt the legacy of colonialism. Millions seek to reach the U.S.; none wait in line to go to Egypt or Algeria: no doubt imperialism still at work. There is no Princeton or MIT in Syria: again racism or class oppression.

If our elites quoted above are unsure about themselves, why would they not be unsure about their enemies as well?

In terms of their amoral cost-benefit analysis, a few may die, hopefully abroad, on the altar of multicultural piety, so that millions more might live in ecumenical harmony.

The tragic truth is just the opposite: thousands will die on the altar of multicultural piety, so that millions more will not live in any sort of harmony.