Showing posts with label Conservativism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Conservativism. Show all posts

Sunday, March 22, 2020

COVID-19 Investment INFO - Romeo


One black swan is bad enough, but two at once is a very bad day on Wall St, and a panic reaction. The important thing is to stick to your goal for investing. If you are invested for the long term, for retirement, or whatever is the long term goal, stick to it. Then make your own assessment of where the economy and the market will be in 9 months. Selling now would be a mistake. As I have noted several times, the underlying US economy remains in basically solid shape. There is no risk of a financial crisis, and that is key to how we get through this without a deep recession. The banks have more than adequate capital, which is critical. The Fed is pouring liquidity into the capital markets to make sure there is no shut down of credit facilities as we saw in 2008-9 and other past recessions. The banks publicly agreed to extend credit, modify loans, forbear, extend maturity dates, and to do whatever is needed to help small and mid-sized companies get through the slowdown. The exact opposite of 2008-9. Add on the extra unemployment payments and other things the government is going to do to help workers get through this period, and the slowdown will not be a major recession, and possibly not even a minor one. There will be a substantial slowdown in Q2, and it may be negative growth, but by Q3 things should be starting to get normalized. Unemployment so far is still near record low, and wages continue to rise at 3%. Layoffs are at normal levels because nobody wants to lose staff then may not be able to replace, even unskilled staff. However that is likely to change now as the orders to stay home and away from crowds has begun to have a major impact. A restaurant I was at last night in Longboat had notable fewer guests, and the waitress said it began a week ago.  It was still crowded, but not like it normally is.

Once the virus is stopped in spring, things will slowly get back to normal in Q3. A lot depends on if Congress can act like grown ups and pass good stimulus immediately, and not pack it with all sorts of special gifts like they just did with the $8 billion virus bill. So far they want to increase government spend and not do the things in partnership with the private sector that would make a real difference. Now the Dems put forward a bill to prevent Trump from enforcing travel bans, while the experts say that is critical to have saved lived in the US. The Dems blasted Trump for the China ban saying it was racist and nationalist, the medical experts said it was critical to save American lives. You have wonder what planet the Dems are on. Trump’s plan to subsidize workers laid off due to the virus is critical to help stop the spread by encouraging people to stay home if sick. I fear the Dems will try to load a critical bill with all sorts of pet policies of theirs which have nothing to do  with the virus and nothing will get done. Then they will say Trump and  the Republicans refused to do what was needed to stop the virus. You can write the script.

Treasury rates are essentially zero on an after tax basis. Credit spreads have only widened a little for most, so borrowing costs and good availability of funding continues. This is key to avoid a real recession. Savings for consumers is very high, and home values remain headed up for now. Mortgage rates are historically low, so with a refi consumers are materially improving their ability to service debt, and save the extra cash flow. It will help many get through this period with no real pressure. Refis are up 75% this last week. That is a huge good thing for consumers to improve their cash flow. With energy prices so ultra-low, gas prices and energy prices generally will save a considerable amount for low income workers. This will help subsidize potential lower hours worked during this period. Low rates and low energy prices are likely to continue for an extended period, although oil prices will likely rise quite a bit as the year goes on and either the Saudis or Putin blink. Now with the White House promising various fiscal support measures, there should be no pressure on most consumers unless the Dems just torpedo what Trump is trying to do. . The banks around the world are essentially carrying weak borrowers until things settle down. Online meetings are now common, as are all sorts of other things like classes, interviews, and discussion matters with your doctor, etc.  This will never go back to the old face to face in many cases. In summary, other than equity prices, there are a lot of very good basics in the economy, and there will be government and bank assistance to get struggling industries through this. Q2 is the test, and by then it seems the virus will be subsiding, and a vaccine will be in testing. S Korea and China seem to be in a declining mode for the virus, as is Singapore. There seems to be some preliminary evidence that warm weather does eliminate the problem. The worldwide efforts to contain and control the spread seems to be working in most places. Ignore DeBozo who is now running around claiming there are so many new cases in NYC they cannot cope.  That is nonsense and exactly the wrong message for a political leader to send. It is politics at its worst. Even Newsome said the administration has done a very good job and has done everything he has requested. Clearly Q2 will be poor GDP numbers, and maybe a negative, but then in Q3 the recovery will be underway. It may be a  V shape, or the impact of Q3 may be such that the recovery is a U. . So if you are invested for the long term, sit still or selectively buy some names like APPL, or MSFT, and get in where you missed out before. I do not see a recession, and even my economist friends who have been forecasting one for months, are not fully convinced we will have one. This too will pass and your portfolio will recover. It will just be volatile until possibly July. You need to pay attention to your long term goal and wait for the upturn which is certain to happen before year end. The recovery will be like almost all other.  When the panic subsides, the buyers appear and then the market takes off as the cash hiding on no return bonds comes back into the stock market. After the market tanked in Dec 2018, it then roared ahead by over 30%.

The former president of Shell says most oil companies are well hedged. Even so there will be heavy financial strain on the oil patch. A number of producers and service companies were already under pressure from excess leverage, and poor management, and will need to merge of go through a prepackaged bankruptcy, with a PE firm, or a strong oil company buying them out of BK. I do not expect Exxon to cut its dividend, as that would send a bad signal. Rig counts will be down, so US capex spend will be down. Depending on the Prince, there is no way to  know how long this might continue. Putin will not win this effort to harm the US industry. Russia cannot afford to play this game for long. Their entire economy is dependent on oil revenue. Russia needs $54 oil to break even. Some US frackers say they can do it at $30, and some need over $40. Clearly the US producers can withstand this a lot better than Russia. Putin can withstand a lot of anger from his people, but at some point he needs the cash to run the military and sustain Syria. The White House will provide some help to oil companies, but not a lot because it looks bad in an election year to help oil companies. The banks will likely step in to subsidize them with forbearance and forced mergers.

So 2,000 down 1,000 up, 1,400 down, just another day on the irrational roller coaster. Whatever the futures register in the pre-market seems to have no connection to where the market closes. Algo programs are set to read positive news, the stimulus plan, and then react. There is no human analysis of -is this realistic to be passed, or what is the impact on the deficit, or other issues that are unclear. The AI program just says-this is good-buy. Then they all buy. Oil price war-bad- we sell.  It is not quite that simplistic, but essentially that is what happens.  There is no way to  predict much of anything right now since there is no way anyone can predict how bad it might get.  Given all the efforts to contain, it is very likely to be much better than it might have been , so best to just ride it out. The ten year has spiked back up from a low of .31% to .77%, and wherever from here. You could lose a lot if you buy Treasuries now. China is coming back online, and supply chains are getting sorted out slowly. Delayed orders at US factories will just be delayed, not cancelled. Consumers will order online instead of in person. Meetings will happen online and conferences and trade shows will just be delayed by a few months. Companies and consumers adapt quickly. There will be issues for sure, but it is not the end of the economy. Life goes on. At the end of WWII when the whole of Europe was in total ruins, people figured it out, and life went on. That is the nature of humans.  This is not disastrous by comparison to 9-11, Katrina, Sandy, the Lehman crash, and lots of other mass crisis happening, and we moved on. If everyone does what they recommend, there will be much less flu and other sickness going forward than there would have otherwise been. Relatively few have died in the US if you eliminate the 19 from  the nursing home. So many people and companies are self- isolating that the potential for major problem is being dramatically reduced.

It seems ironic that net of the nursing home there are still only 10 deaths. If the government for the past ten years had spent the same effort on opioids, and stopping that scourge, it would have saved tens of thousands of young lives. The opioid problem is a national security issue and an economic issue as it leaves tens of thousands unable to work and in poverty. Maybe I just do not get it, but if old and sick people did what they say, and lots of meetings and conferences are moved online, and if workers work from home now where they can, then the spread of the virus will be contained and deaths will be minimal. This is all about self -reliance. The whole press to-do about test kits was slammed down by Fauchi yesterday as a false premise, and right after the news on NBC was that the country is in an uproar over the lack of test kits. The exact thing Fauchi said was false. The press and Dems are doing more damage to panic people than the reality of the virus.

Biden will be the nominee. It came out today that Joe is limited to 7 minute speeches by his campaign. Even that is too much for him to get through. Everyone knows and says publicly he is not mentally competent to serve, but they vote for him anyway, and the DNC pushes him out there. Bernie’s people will not support him in a big way, his mental deficiency will become more apparent in debates with Trump, and the whole thing will be embarrassing. If Trump would just act properly he could get back votes he has blown with his personality. He just cannot help himself. Joe’s brother has been indicted for fraud.  His son is in contempt in his paternity suit for claiming he can’t appear nor produce his records until November. The judge ruled and denied his motion for extension. She could throw him in jail, but, magically Hunter proposed a big settlement to try to avoid disclosing where his money came from. The judge said she may want the records anyway to assess the settlement.  And you think Joe did not know all of this and is not corrupt. Corrupt and senile-nice. Then we have Durham coming in 2 -3 moths.

Many people worried Bernie would actually have a chance to get elected and that the bartender from the Bronx will be a serious candidate in 10 years. Utter nonsense. Once the primaries got out into real America, and away from the northeast college areas, Bernie got crushed by a mentally incompetent old white guy. There was never a movement to be socialist, and there never will be. That is not who we are, and there remains a vast majority of Americans in the middle and capitalist. Millennials are growing up. They will eventually realize they have successful lives because of capitalism and that the library, or gym, or food bank or many other things in their city are the result of rich guys donating the funding. They will realize their job is dependent on their employer making a lot of money. Polls of Dem voters show they are for reparations, free health care, loose immigration, and many other things the far left and university professors teach. But age and kids, and bills to pay, will help them get to reality. The bartender will get buried after Bernie gets blown away. She has defied the party and worked to unseat Dems. They will retaliate.

For my part, I went fishing today and ignored the market. Great day fishing, caught a 500 pound Jewfish, two  50 pound amberjacks, and a 40 pound Bonita. Beats watching the market.

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Tuesday, March 19, 2019

Hanna, House of Delegates, District 44 - West Virginia


Candidate Profile: Caleb Hanna, House of Delegates, District 44


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All 5 candidates – 2 Republicans, 2 Democrats and 1 Mountain – were asked to say a little something about themselves and then to identify three issues that they would address if elected. Five candidates responded. All responses are being printed as written with minor editing.

House of Delegates, District 44
Caleb
Hanna
Republican
Hello, I’m Caleb Hanna. I’m 18 years old and currently a senior at Richwood High School. I plan to continue my education this fall at West Virginia State University to major in Economics and then further my education at WVU School of Law to get a J.D. in Law and a Master’s in Public Administration.
I live in Eastern Nicholas County with my parents and two sisters. I’m proudly a Christian conservative and was raised on the belief that success is built with hard work, commitment and dedication – West Virginia values that continue to guide me today. I support the WV Pro-Life movement and have been endorsed in the Republican Primary by West Virginians for Life. I also fully support the 2nd Amendment and our right to bear arms. I will be a passionate, effective, and conservative fighter for limited government, economic growth, and the Constitution.
When I was only 10 years old I heard my father say, “The American Dream is getting harder to find. Opportunities are becoming tougher to come by, and the simple idea, of by doing the right thing and working hard you can provide for your family, just really isn’t so simple anymore.” From that moment, I knew I wanted to somehow help and serve the people of the great Mountain State.
My goal is very simple, and that’s to bring A New Era of Leadership to West Virginia government. By implementing my youth and skills into government, I can provide a fresh new perspective to policy making that is not usual but is certainly effective. I have vision for opportunity that others typically miss, and West Virginia needs that now more than ever. I have a lot of pride for this state I’ve always called home.
My main objective is to tackle our education problem within the state of West Virginia. Our high level of bureaucracy has overcome the actual purpose of education, and that’s to give the most to our children. Education is the root to almost every problem we face in West Virginia. It ties into jobs, economy, and our state’s too well-known drug epidemic. That’s why I think it’s time to make a government that works for the people instead of themselves. We need someone in Charleston that will fight for our true West Virginia values!
I love getting to work with people and understand them better. Everyone has their own unique story, and I can’t wait to hear yours! Feel free to email me with any questions you may have at hannaforhouse@aol.com. If you want to learn more about my platform and the campaign, check me out at @HannaforHouse on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram or visit my website at www.hannaforhouse.com. At a time when politics has become unhinged, I’ll be a voice of reason, and I won’t forget who I represent: the people of West Virginia. Thanks a million, God bless, and hope to see you around!


West Virginia House of Delegates

Senate Roster | House Roster
  

Caleb Hanna (R - Webster, 44)





CONTACT

caleb.hanna@wvhouse.gov

Capitol Office:
Room 220E, Building 1
State Capitol Complex
Charleston, WV 25305
Capitol Phone: (304) 340-3916

Home:
P.O. Box 781
Richwood, WV, 26261

COMMITTEE ASSIGNMENTS

Education
Industry and Labor
Select Committee on Prevention and Treatment of Substance Abuse
Senior, Children, and Family Issues

INTERIM COMMITTEES:


DISTRICT 44


District Counties: Nicholas (part), Randolph (part), Upshur (part), Webster
 

SPONSORED LEGISLATION, 2019

Delegate Hanna was the Lead Sponsor of 3 bills
BillTitleStatusCommittee
HB 2904Implementing drug testing for legislators of the State of West VirginiaPendingHealth and Human Resources
HB 2938Relating to vocational and technical education programsPendingEducation
HB 2959Relating to unlawful panhandling and solicitationPendingJudiciary

MEDIA

Release TitleDate
Delegates Introduce Bill to Help Fund President Trump's Border Wall01/15/2019
This Web site is maintained by the West Virginia Legislature's Office of Reference & Information.  |  Terms of Use  |   Web Administrator   |   © 2019 West Virginia Legislature ***

Wednesday, October 4, 2017

Message to the Republicans: Free the People!

Message to the Republicans: Free the People!

T
he political adage holds that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.” This adage’s not-irrational assumption is that “the enemy of my enemy is also me.”

Unless, it seems, you’re the Republican Congress.
Having once served with many of you, I understand and empathize as you contend with obstructionist Democrats, a hostile media, and internecine ideological and political schisms in your collective endeavor to affirm and advance American greatness amidst the transformational challenges facing our nation in this chaotic age.
Truly, I do not envy you.
Don’t fret. As a guitar player, I won’t be singing in the Greek chorus of mounting complaints regarding your performance to date—or the lack thereof. But at times it seems you’re intent on proving the sagacity of Ralph Waldo Emerson (you know, the keyboard player in Emerson, Lake, and Palmer): “As long as a man stands in his own way, everything seems to be in his way.”
I’m sure no one is more frustrated about this stasis of affairs than you are—save for the sovereign citizens who entrusted you with a majority to steer the ship of state toward the distant shore of better days after eight years adrift under the Obama Administration and its mercifully fleeting Democratic majority. Yet every great journey has its missteps and stumbles; and, in your case, dead-ender Democrats trying to cut you off at the knees.
But you knew this going in and have been ceaselessly reminded of it 24/7/52/365: Ladies and gentlemen, you’re not paranoid; the Left is out to get you. And, in the immortal word of Andrew Breitbart, “So?” Despite the Left, you’re in Congress because of the people who believe you will affirm and advance American greatness. They believe there is greatness in you.
Such is not the illusory “greatness” Emerson decried (I think in “Lucky Man”), whereby one “crawls through life a paralytic to earn the praise of bard and critic.” It is the true greatness Emerson extolled (I’m paraphrasing here): “Stand your ground and the world will come ’round.”
That time is now.
Of course, to stand for principle is not to stand still; nor content oneself with playing defense, however earnest, against the Left’s insane attacks upon humanity’s enduring verities and virtues that have made and kept America great. You don’t get off that easy, Tiger. You are compelled by the honor you sought, and God and the voters granted, to actively affirm and advance American greatness, and to do it all the while aware of the unattractive consequences of your course—and, it being the swamp, the temptations and threats proffered to induce your retreat. Yet, this is why voters glimpsed a simple, elegant greatness in you:
You’ve got the guts to do what you must and not give a damn who doesn’t dig it.
This you can and will do. Because, like your voters, you know America is always great; and it is the government and the racket of hacks and hucksters infesting its swamp that suck. And, thus, you know why the people consented to entrust you as its servants in a Republican majority: To free the people from the swamp.
So . . .
Free the people to pursue their American dreams.
Free the people to keep what they earn.
Free the people to escape the welfare state’s soul-crushing cycle of poverty, despair, and dependence.
Free the people to enjoy their hearth of home by defeating tyrants and terrorists.
Free the people to heal our nation by speaking, acting and engaging in accordance with the dictates of their consciences absent any fear of governmental coercion under the guise and guileful enforcement of “political correctness.”
In sum, free the people to inspire the world with what America achieves!
And that’s just for starters. (Talk about a “honey-do” list.)
Sure it won’t be a leisurely stroll through the swamp. You’ll step in some quicksand and bogs and some other stuff you’d prefer not be identified as it clings to the bottom of your shoes. But as the heirs of our party’s first president, “the Great Emancipator,” and that “Gipper” fellow who liberated the world from an evil empire, you’ll make it.
I just humbly submit you might pick up the pace a bit. In this social media-driven and riven world, folks are growing increasingly impatient in their pursuit of happiness.
Godspeed, GOP!  
Content created by the Center for American Greatness, Inc. is available without charge to any eligible news publisher that can provide a significant audience. For licensing opportunities of our original content, please contact licensing@centerforamericangreatness.com.
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About the Author: 

Thaddeus G. McCotter
The Hon. Thaddeus McCotter is the former chairman of the Republican House Policy Committee and current itinerant guitarist.

Friday, July 21, 2017

Our Self-Interested Senators

KIMBERLY STRASSEL:

 Our Self-Interested Senators.
The House bill isn’t perfect—no bill ever is—but it amounts to the biggest entitlement reform in history. It repeals crushing taxes. It dramatically cuts spending. And it begins the process of stabilizing the individual health-care market and expanding consumer freedom.

None of this is good enough for a handful of senators, so now it’s time to make this exercise all about them. Mr. McConnell should make clear that the overwhelming majority of the Republican Party stands ready to make good on its repeal-and-replace campaign promise—and that it would have done so already were it not for a cynical or egotistic few. It’s time for some very public accountability.

That rests in Mr. McConnell giving his caucus a drop-dead date to broker a compromise, after which he will proceed to bring up the House bill. And any Republican who votes against moving forward, “a motion to proceed,” will forever be known as the Republican who saved ObamaCare. The Republican who voted to throw billions more taxpayer dollars at failing entitlement programs and collapsing insurance markets. The Republican who abandoned struggling American families. The Republican who voted against a tax cut and spending reductions. The Republican who made Chuck Schumer’s year.
And that’s only a short list of the real-world accountability.
The Democrats could agree on almost any “reform” bill, so long as it brought more money and power to Washington — the important thing was to bring more booty to Washington for divvying. What the Republicans have to do is much tougher, as any repeal or genuine replacement means less booty.

Wednesday, December 7, 2016

The Nationalist Spirit of 2016: A Conservative Spring

The Nationalist Spirit of 2016: A Conservative Spring
The American and British turn against liberal internationalism is an opening.
By David Brog & Yoram Hazony — December 7, 2016

Sunday, November 27, 2016

Immigration; Sanctuary Cities; Civil War - Get Ready

JOHN C. CALHOUN SMILES:

On the same day last week that Donald Trump nominated noted immigration hawk Sen. Jeff Sessions for Attorney General, New York City declared that it would stick to its “sanctuary city” policy—setting up a battle that will likely occupy a lot of national attention during the next Administration. . . .
This is a political fight both sides will relish taking on. Trump got a big boost early in his campaign by shining a spotlight on the murder of Kate Steinle by an illegal immigrant in San Francisco. The murderer had previously been detained by the San Francisco police, but under SF’s sanctuary city policy—which is more militant than New York’s—the city refused to honor a request from the federal government to transfer him, and instead released him. This was a story to which Trump returned throughout his campaign.
Furthermore, as I wrote on Friday, the nomination of Sen. Sessions as AG likely signals that the Trump Administration will seek first and foremost to fulfill his campaign promise of a more hawkish line on immigration through the enforcement of existing laws against criminal illegal aliens. Unlike previous Attorneys General, Sessions will presumably not hesitate to use the full range of remedies, including financial and legal sanctions, available to the federal government to compel cooperation from reluctant municipalities. And it helps Trump’s populist brand to pick fights with New York City liberals who want to protect illegal immigrants in disregard of the law.
For their part, de Blasio and other leaders of deep-blue cities also have strong incentives not to back down. Again, this will partly be a matter of politics: fighting Trump plays as well with de Blasio’s constituents in NYC as fighting de Blasio does with Trump’s backers in the heartlands. But there are other considerations. Right now the NYC policy is not to call the feds about a suspect’s immigration status until the the person is convicted, while federal policy technically requires the local cops to call the feds as soon as they find out someone is here illegally. Cities with large illegal immigrant policies, like New York, feel that such a policy will deter its residents from cooperating with the police or calling emergency services.
Such a fight will galvanize public opinion on each side. The Jacksonians will see only flagrant disregard for law and order; for historical reasons, many in the south will also be angered by what they’ll perceive as deeply hypocritical flouting of federal authority. . . .
But the law will not be on de Blasio’s side. And it is a deep principle of American history that the state and local authorities not be allowed to override or nullify federal law. This is a point that liberals reaffirmed with particular vehemence on the immigration front as recently as a few years ago, when arguing (successfully) that Arizona’s immigration laws were preempted by federal policy.
As we’ve been writing around here, Donald Trump is the most purely Jacksonian character to win the White House since possibly Andrew Jackson himself. And now he may have a nullification crisis on his hands. I can’t imagine Bill de Blasio ever dreamed he would wind up as the heir to John C. Calhoun—but he just might.

Technically, states’ refusal to cooperate with a federal regulatory scheme isn’t the same as nullification, and it’s not even illegal unless it violates a condition on federal funding. But these niceties aren’t likely to get much attention.

Tuesday, November 8, 2016

Clarence Thomas’s Constitutional Mentor

Clarence Thomas’s Constitutional Mentor

We worked for Thomas back in the late 1980s, when he was chairman of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Given Justice Thomas’s celebration of 25-years on the Supreme Court and widespread (and deserved) recognition as the most steadfast and principled conservative on the Supreme Court, it might be useful for those concerned about constitutionalism and the Court to better understand why Thomas might have emphasized two obscure academics, neither lawyers, as his first mentors on the Constitution. In talks about his autobiography he explained that instead of speechwriters he hired political theorists.
While a sampling of my occasional pieces on politics and law (and on Trump) may be found here and via Google, Marini’s body of work has received widespread recognition in Washington circles but rarely with his name attached. He is the principal advocate of the notion that the “administrative state” has usurped Congress and the presidency and upset the separation of powers. In sum, the 20th-century Congress has surrendered its powers to an executive branch and been satisfied to pass hollow legislation that confers the real law-making powers to the unelected bureaucracy and judiciary. These are, not accidentally, populated by products of the liberal academy, its law schools, and policy programs.
Marini, now a professor at the University of Nevada, Reno, first articulated this radical notion at Claremont Graduate School in the1970s and has continued to develop it, in particular concerning the Trump campaign. But not only has his concept been pushed without acknowledgement of Marini, but more important, those who use the term underestimate its significance and fail to take it to its logical, political implications.
As a representative of this conservative viewpoint, columnist George Will understood two years ago Thomas’s objection to the administrative state to lie in issues such as delegation of congressional powers to the executive—important issues but not Thomas’s or Marini’s ultimate concern. Neither Will nor others, such as U.S. Sen. Ben Sasse (R-Neb.), seem to accept that the administrative state represents a change of regime, an actual overthrow of the Constitution of 1787, and therefore requires a candidate of the order of Donald Trump who comes from outside the system created by the administrative state. (Justice Thomas, of course, is not offering a 2016 partisan endorsement by recalling his experiences of some 30 years ago.)
Marini came to then-Chairman Thomas’s attention, when he asked me to recommend some others who might also serve as special assistants. I forwarded him a copy of a Marini paper on the administrative state’s overthrow of Congress’s constitutional functions. He returned it to me with bold writing on top: “I must see Marini!!”
Never having worked in Washington, Marini deduced his notion of an unconstitutional counter-state from diverse intellectual sources establishing the notion of constitutional government and the rule of law, such as Aristotle, The Federalist, Tocqueville, and Lincoln and their interpreters such as Leo Strauss and his students, principally Harry Jaffa. He took account of the radical assaults on constitutional government demanded by Rousseau and above all Hegel. Their American Progressive progeny included otherwise obscure Progressive Era-political scientists and journalists, the most famous of whom is Woodrow Wilson. By working through their thinking plus some recent political scientists he concluded in theory what Thomas, who had worked in the Senate and bureaucracy, had learned through painful practice: republican government and the rule of law are under attack from current political arrangements. (Obviously Justice Thomas doesn’t necessarily share the more recent political conclusions from work he admired some 30 years ago.)
Marini presents the foundation of his argument in three books, The Politics of Budget Control, whose bland title masks the revolutionary argument it makes, a co-edited and mistitled book, The Imperial Congress, and his book on Progressivism (co-edited with me) The Progressive Revolution in Politics and Political Science: Transforming the American Regime.
His more recent articles appear on the website of the Claremont Institute, where he is a senior fellow, and include the revealing “Donald Trump and the American Crisis.” Also on the site are a rich array of thoughts ranging from American western movies and western civilization and Richard Nixon as protector of the Constitution.
These and other articles on the meaning of Trump will eventually find their way into a book, but perhaps the most direct discussion of the meaning of Trump for American constitutional politics was his September 2016 Hillsdale College Constitution Day talk and exchange with Trump critic Jonah Goldberg.
As of yet, no transcript is available, but the presentation is brief and the exchanges bracing. Here Marini is not focused on Trump’s policies, strategy, or personality but rather on what the success of such an outsider means for understanding our current crisis. The elite knowledge class—a non-and bipartisan group controlling our political and moral vocabulary through government, the academy, and media—has prevented serious political focus on the common good (or justice) and instead catered to the needs of various interest groups, reflected by demographic status. That knowledge class’s politically correct speech makes it difficult for these deliberately balkanized groups to have a common good as Americans. But those who do not benefit from this balkanization that serves the interests of the knowledge class revolt from its strictures. That is the separation Trump has focused on.
The last few minutes of Marini’s presentation in September condense his defense of a dying constitutionalism against the Washington and global elites and note Trump’s role in defending the old order by his actions. He said:
If the people are to understand themselves as sovereign, they must re-establish the political authority of the Constitution in a manner that makes it possible to restore the moral ground of civil and religious liberty. A government that does not recognize the sovereignty of the people, cannot defend the rights of individuals in a constitutional manner. A Constitution is a compact of the people, and the government is created on its behalf. The people grant it power, but only the Constitution can established limits on the power of government. In the modern administrative state, the power of government is unlimited, and the rights of citizens, and the rule of law, itself rests on a precarious ground. For if the government alone creates and confers rights, the constitution can no longer limit the power of government, nor can it protect the civil and religious liberty of its citizens.
Trump has established his candidacy on the basis of an implicit understanding that America is the midst of a crisis. Those who oppose him deny the seriousness of the crisis and see Trump himself as the greatest danger. And here again, Trump’s success will likely depend upon his ability to articulate the ground of a common good that is still rooted in the past—a common good established by a government that protects the rights of its citizens in a constitutional manner and establishes limits on the authority of government by demanding that the rule of law replace that of political privilege and bureaucratic patronage.
Trump may or may not succeed in becoming president of the United States. All of those who have a stake in preserving Washington as it now exists are his enemies, and the public that is drawn to him is fickle. Much will depend upon the ability of the established order, which has authority and respectability on its side, to erode the trust that Trump has built with the constituency he has created. In any case, the need that brought Trump to the fore will not disappear with Trump’s demise. His success thus far has revealed the need to restore the political rule of the people as a whole. To do so, American public opinion must be reflected in the creation and mobilization of national political majorities. Constitutional government is not possible in the absence of the mobilization of such majorities. They are indispensable for establishing the legitimacy of law in a manner compatible with the rule of law and the common good. That requires revitalizing the meaning of citizenship and reaffirming the sovereignty of the people and the nation. It also requires the necessity of restoring the link between the people and the political branches of the government, so that both can become the defenders of the Constitution, as well as the country that has made it essential to its political existence.
This makes sense of Trump’s political strategy, his assault on the elites of both parties and the media, his disdain for experts and preference for successful practitioners, his mannerisms, and his appeal to a new majority. And it puts his immigration, trade, and national security policies in a new light. A politics of citizenship may not yet be dead.